Remarks on U.S.-China Relations
关于美中关系的讲话
John Kerry, Secretary of State
国务卿约翰·克里
Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies
约翰·霍普金斯高级国际研究学院
Washington, DC
华盛顿哥伦比亚特区
November 4, 2014
2014年11月4日
Well, thank you very much, Dean Nasr. I’ve had the privilege of knowing Vali for a while. When I was in the Senate, he was a very valuable advisor, and I can remember coming down to the State Department and meeting with him and with Richard Holbrooke and others in the early days of working on what was then called AfPak – Afghanistan, Pakistan, and particularly Afghanistan. So Vali, thank you for your journey. Thanks for imparting your wisdom here at SAIS.
谢谢。十分感谢你，迪安·纳泽。我有幸很早就认识瓦利。我在参议院工作期间，他就是一位十分重要的顾问。我记得，早年在为阿富汗、巴基斯坦问题，特别是阿富汗问题工作时，来到国务院与他和理查德·霍尔布鲁克等人会见的情景。瓦利，谢谢你的莅临。感谢你为SAIS贡献你的智慧。
And thank you all very, very much here at SAIS for allowing me to come here today to share a few thoughts with you about this special relationship with China, an important relationship. And I’m happy to be here, staring at a lot of mobile devices. (Laughter.) It’s a whole new world out there. I’ll tell you, when I ran for president in 2004 I never saw this barrage of rectangular devices facing you when you were talking. (Laughter.) It was usually just one, and it was the opposition guy, listening to everything you said in order to get you into trouble, if you didn’t get yourself into trouble.
十分、十分感谢SAIS全体人员使我今天有机会来到这里，与你们谈谈涉及与中国的这种特殊关系的一些想法。这是很重要的关系。我很高兴来到这里，眼前有很多移动设备。（笑声）这是一个崭新的世界。我可以告诉你们，2004年我竞选总统期间，从来没有在讲话的时候面对这种长方形设备一字排开的阵势。（笑声）那时候往往只有一个人，就是对方人员听你说的每一句话，为的是给你找麻烦，如果你没有自找麻烦的话。
Anyway, I’m getting ready to leave in a very few hours – in fact, I go directly from here to the airport – on a typical Secretary of State journey – to Paris this evening, meetings tomorrow, then to Beijing, to Muscat, discussions on Iran nuclear program, then back to Beijing for bilateral meetings with the Chinese Government, then back to somewhere, perhaps Washington, but at this moment, with a lot of things in the air, it’s hard to say. So it’s nice for me to get a chance before I take off to talk substance with all of you and to talk about a critical issue before I depart.
无论如何，再过几个小时我就准备动身了。实际上，我会直接从这里前往机场——按照国务卿经常性的出访规律——今晚前往巴黎，明天举行会晤，然后去北京、马斯喀特，讨论伊朗核项目问题，再回到北京出席与中国政府的双边会谈，然后返回，可能回到华盛顿。但现在很多情况都没有定，很难说到哪里。所以我很高兴有机会在动身前与你们大家谈谈实际问题，谈谈一个关键的问题。
This school was founded during World War II by Paul Nitze and Christian Herter, both of whom I’m very proud to say were from Massachusetts. (Laughter.) They could – they had a great skill, those of you who have read about them, to see that even then, the world was going to be a fundamentally changed place after World War II and that foreign policy makers would need to change with it, not just to keep pace but to set the pace, to express a vision, to be able to see over the horizon and define how the United States would stay strong and lead and join with other countries, increasingly in empowering those other countries. And we did with the Marshall Plan, which as many of you may know, was unpopular at the time, but succeeded in rebuilding whole nations, creating democracies, and setting a new direction.
这所学院由保罗·尼采和克里斯琴·赫脱在第二次世界大战期间创建。我很自豪地说，两人都来自马萨诸塞州。（笑声）他们能够——你们已经读到有关他们的报道，他们有过人的睿智，即使在那个年代就预见第二次世界大战后全世界将发生翻天覆地的变化， 对外政策的制定者也必须随之作出改变，不仅需要跟上潮流，而且需要引领大势，提出自己的远见卓识，能够高瞻远瞩，认识到美国怎样才能保持强盛，发挥领导作用，引领其他国家，与其他国家共襄盛举，日益促进其他国家发挥自主能力。我们通过马歇尔计划这样做了，你们很多人都可能知道，当年这个计划很受欢迎，成功地帮助各国进行重建，建立了民主政体，指出了新的方向。
The world has continued to change in the 70-plus years since, almost certainly in ways that Herter and Nitze could only have dreamed of. And it has changed, I might say, for the better, despite the headlines and the challenges of religious, radical extremism and terrorism. It has nevertheless changed for the better in large measure precisely because of the careful and creative analysis that these men so believed and hoped would, in fact, shape a world that is more free, more prosperous, and more humane. And despite the headlines and places of tension, the world is, in fact, those things.
此后70多年来，全世界简直毫无疑问地以超出赫脱和尼采想象的方式继续发生变化。我可以说，尽管宗教问题、激进的极端主义和恐怖主义成为头条新闻，构成了种种挑战，但形势已经向着更好的方向转化。无论如何局面在很大程度上得到改善，恰恰是因为这些有志之士进行了如此认真和创造性的分析工作，如同他们相信和希望的那样，实际上为世界变得更自由、更繁荣和更人道产生了影响。尽管有这些头条新闻，一些地方仍存在紧张局势，但世界的确已经如此。
The great American philosopher Yogi Berra once said, “It’s tough to make predications, especially about the future.” (Laughter.) He really said that. (Laughter.) While I am reminded that speculating about the future is obviously always risky, there are two predictions that I am very certain about. The Asia Pacific is one of the most promising places on the planet, and America’s future and security and prosperity are closely and increasingly linked to that region.
美国伟大的哲学家约吉·贝拉曾说过，“预测是很困难的工作，尤其是预测未来。”（笑声）他的确这样说过。（笑声） 我知道，对未来进行预测显然一贯存在风险，但我两项预测很有把握：亚太是全球最有希望的地区之一，而且美国的未来、安全和繁荣与这个地区有紧密的关联，发生越来越多的联系。
Back in August, when I was returning from a trip to Burma and Australia, I delivered a speech at the East-West Center in Honolulu about President Obama’s rebalance towards the Asia Pacific and the enormous value that we place on longstanding alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, Thailand, and the Philippines and our bourgeoning relationships with ASEAN and countries in Southeast Asia. In that speech, I outlined four specific opportunities that define the rebalance, goals if you will.
8月份，我从缅甸和澳大利亚访问回来后，曾在夏威夷的东西方中心发表讲话，谈到欧巴马总统向亚太再平衡的问题及我们高度重视与日本、韩国、澳大利亚、泰国和菲律宾的长期联盟关系，以及我们与东南亚国家联盟和东南亚国家蓬勃发展的关系。我在当时的讲话中谈到体现再平衡战略的4个具体机会，或者说是希望实现的目标。
First, the opportunity to create sustainable economic growth, which includes finalizing the Trans-Pacific Partnership. The TPP is not only a trade agreement, but also a strategic opportunity for the United States and other Pacific nations to come together, to bind together, so that we can all prosper together. Second, powering a clean energy revolution that will help us address climate change while simultaneously jumpstarting economies around the world. Third, reducing tensions and promoting regional cooperation by strengthening the institutions and reinforcing the norms that contribute to a rules-based, stable region. And fourth, empowering people throughout the Asia Pacific to live with dignity, security, and opportunity.
首先，开创可持续经济增长的机会，其中包括最后完成跨太平洋伙伴关系的谈判。跨太平洋伙伴关系不仅仅是一个贸易协定，而且也是美国与其他太平洋国家联系在一起，同心协力实现共同繁荣的战略机遇。其次，推进清洁能源的革命有助于我们战胜气候变化，同时为全世界各经济体发挥激励作用。第三，增进该地区的各项机制，加强有助于促进该地区以规则为准绳和实现稳定的惯例，从而缓和紧张关系，促进地区合作。第四，倡导亚太各地人民在获得尊严、安全和机会的环境下生活的自主权。
These are our goals for the rebalance. These are the objectives that we are working to pursue. And we are working together with our allies and our partners across Asia. And these are the goals that the President will discuss with other leaders next week at the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation meeting in Beijing and also at the East Asia Summit that follows in Burma.
这些都是我们再平衡的目标。这些都是我们正努力追求的目标。我们正与亚洲各地的盟国和伙伴共同努力。这些都是下星期总统将在北京举行的亚太经合会议及此后在缅甸举行的东亚峰会期间与其他领导人进行讨论的目标。
The goal of the rebalance is not a strategic initiative to affect one nation or push people in any direction. It is an inclusive invitation to join in this march towards prosperity, dignity, and stability for countries. I can reaffirm today that the Obama Administration is absolutely committed to seeing through all of these goals.
再平衡的目标并不是影响某一个国家的战略举措，也不是为了左右人们的行为，而是一个具有广泛包容性的邀请，希望各国加入这个向繁荣、尊严和稳定进军的行列。今天，我可以重申，欧巴马政府绝对承诺努力实现所有这些目标。
But there should be no doubt that a key component of our rebalance strategy is also about strengthening U.S-China relations. Why? Because a stronger relationship between our two nations will benefit not just the United States and China, not just the Asia Pacific, but the world. One of the many very accomplished alumni of this school is China’s Ambassador to the United States Cui Tiankai, and we’re delighted that he’s here today. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador, for being here with us.
毫无疑问，我们再平衡战略的一个关键组成部分也关系到增进美中关系。为什么？因为加强我们两国的关系不仅有利于美国和中国，不仅关系到亚太地区，而且关系到全世界。这个学院有众多出类拔萃的校友，其中之一是中国驻美国大使崔天凯。我们很高兴今天他也在座。感谢大使先生莅临。
Ambassador Cui spoke at SAIS about one year ago and he described the U.S.-China relationship as, quote, “the most important as well as the most sensitive, the most comprehensive as well as the most complex, and the most promising as well as the most challenging.” All of those attributes are true, but I would respectfully add one more to that list: The U.S.-China relationship is the most consequential in the world today, period, and it will do much to determine the shape of the 21st century.
大约一年前，崔大使在SAIS发表讲话，认为美中关系 “最重要，也最敏感；最全面，也最复杂；最有希望，也最具有挑战性。”所有这些特征都的确存在，但是我想冒昧地再加一条：美中关系对今日世界具有最重大的影响。这一点确凿无疑。两国关系将为决定21世纪的走向产生诸多影响。
That means that we have to get it right. Since President Obama first took office, that’s exactly what he has focused on doing. What he has worked to build over the past six years and what we are committed to advancing over the next two as well is a principled and productive relationship with China. That’s why he and I have both met each with our Chinese counterparts in person dozens of times. It’s why President Obama hosted the Sunnylands summit last June, shortly after President Xi took office. It’s why a couple of weeks ago, I invited Chinese State Councilor Yang Jiechi and the ambassador and others in his delegation to my hometown of Boston, where we spent a day and a half together charting new opportunities for our bilateral relationship. And it’s why I will join the President in China next week on what will be my fourth trip to the country since I became Secretary of State less than two years ago.
这意味着，我们必须正确地加以把握。这正是欧巴马总统自开始执政以来重点进行的工作。他6年多来努力进行的建设以及我们对今后两年继续进行努力作出的承诺是与中国发展重要的和富有成效的关系。正是因为如此，他和我都与中方有关官员面对面进行了数十次会晤。正是因为如此，去年6月习主席上任后不久，欧巴马总统作为东道主主持了森尼兰峰会。正是因为如此，我在几个星期前邀请中国国务委员杨洁篪、大使和代表团其他人员前往我的家乡波士顿访问。我们在那里共同度过了一天半的时间，为我们双方的关系梳理新的机会。正是因为如此，下星期我将陪同总统前往中国，踏上近两年前我担任国务卿以来第4次访问中国的旅程。
The sheer size of China and its economy, coupled with the rapid and significant changes that are taking place there, means that our relationship by definition has vast potential. As two of the world’s major powers and largest economies, we have a profound opportunity to set a constructive course on any number of issues, from climate change to global trade, and obviously, we have a fundamental interest in doing so. For that reason, our relationship has to be carefully managed and guided – not by news hooks and grand gestures, but by a long-term strategic vision, by hard work, by good diplomacy, and by good relationships.
中国的面积及其经济规模以及目前正在迅速发生的重大变化意味着，从根本上说我们双方的关系具有巨大的潜力。我们作为全世界两个大国和最大的经济体，有广泛的机会为众多的任何问题规划具有建设性的道路，从气候变化到全球贸易。而且很显然，我们这样做符合双方的根本利益。为此，我们双方的关系必须得到认真的管理和指导——不靠什么新的计谋，也无需故作姿态，而是树立长远的战略眼光，辛勤耕耘，凭借健全的外交和良好的关系。
It’s important to remember that not too long ago U.S.-China ties were centered on a relatively narrow set of bilateral and regional matters. But today, thanks to focused diplomacy on both sides, the leadership President Obama and President Xi have displayed, our nations are collaborating to tackle some of the most complex global challenges that the world has ever seen. And we’re able to do that because together our nations are working closely in order to avoid the historic pitfall of strategic rivalry between an emerging power and an existing power. Instead, we’re focused on the steps that we need to ensure that we not only coexist, but that we cooperate.
不要忘记，不久前美中之间的联系仍然以相对狭隘的双边和地区性事务为中心。但是今天，拜双方的重点外交及欧巴马总统和习主席发挥领导作用之赐，我们两国正合作应对一些全世界前所未有的最复杂的全球性挑战。我们能够做到这一点，因为我们两国正共同努力，密切合作，要求避免一个新兴大国和一个已确立的大国落入战略对手的历史性陷阱。我们正重点规划必要的步骤，保证我们不仅能够共同相处，而且相互合作。
America’s China policy is really built on two pillars: Constructively managing our differences – and there are differences – and just as constructively coordinating our efforts on the wide range of issues where our interests are aligned. Now make no mistake, we are clear-eyed about the fact that the United States and China are markedly different countries. We have different political systems, different histories, different cultures, and most importantly, different views on certain significant issues. And the leaders of both nations believe it is important to put our disagreements on the table, talk through them, and manage and then work to narrow the differences over time. And these debates, frankly, don’t take place in the spotlight, and much of what we say usually doesn’t end up in the headlines. But I assure you that tough issues are discussed at length whenever our leaders come together.
美国的中国政策实际上以两大支柱为基点：建设性地管理我们的分歧——的确存在分歧——同时也建设性地在拥有一致利益的一系列广泛问题上协调双方的努力。毋庸置疑，我们非常清楚，美国和中国是两个非常不同的国家。我们的政治体制不同，历史不同，文化不同——而且很重要的是，我们对一些重大问题看法不同。两国领导人都认为，必须将我们的分歧摆在台面上，仔细讨论，并且管理和通过努力逐渐缩小这些分歧。坦白说，这些辩论不是公开进行，我们大部分谈话都不会见诸新闻。但我可以肯定地告诉你们，每当两国领导人会晤时，都会针对棘手的问题进行长时间讨论。
And when we talk about managing our differences, that is not code for agree to disagree. For example, we do not simply agree to disagree when it comes to maritime security, especially in the South and East China Seas. The United States is not a claimant, and we do not take a position on the various territorial claims of others. But we take a strong position on how those claims are pursued and how those disputes are going to be resolved. So we are deeply concerned about mounting tension in the South China Sea and we consistently urge all the parties to pursue claims in accordance with international law, to exercise self-restraint, to peacefully resolve disputes, and to make rapid, meaningful progress to complete a code of conduct that will help reduce the potential for conflict in the years to come. And the United States will work, without getting involved in the merits of the claim, on helping that process to be effectuated, because doing so brings greater stability, brings more opportunity for cooperation in other areas.
当我们说管理我们之间的分歧时，它并不是同意保留不同意见的代义词。例如，当谈到海上安全时——尤其是在南中国海和东中国海，我们不会仅仅同意保留不同意见。美国不是索求方。我们对其他各方的各种领土索求不持立场，但是，我们对如何进行索求以及如何解决那些分歧持坚定立场。因此，我们对南中国海日益加剧的紧张局势深感关注。我们始终敦促各方按照国际法的规定提出索求，保持自我克制，和平解决分歧，并且为达成一项有助于在未来减少冲突可能的行为准则取得迅速和有意义的进展。美国将以不涉及索求是非曲直的方式，努力协助实现这种进程，因为这样做会扩大稳定和在其他领域进行合作的更多机会。
We do not agree to disagree when it comes to cyber issues. We’ve been very clear about how strongly we object to any cyber-enabled theft of trade secrets and other sensitive information from our companies, whoever may be doing it. And we are convinced that it is in China’s interest to help put an end to this practice. Foreign companies will invest more in China if they can be confident that when they do their intellectual property will be safeguarded. Chinese markets will be more attractive to international industries if China shows that it’s serious about addressing global cyber concerns. And China’s own industries will only prosper if they are generating their own intellectual property, ultimately, and if their government enforces the rules fully and fairly for everybody. The United States is committed to using an open and frank dialogue to help build trust and develop common rules of the road on those pressing economic and security challenges.
当谈到网际问题时，我们不会同意保留不同意见。我们一直非常清楚地表明，强烈反对通过网络窃取贸易机密和窃取我们公司的其他敏感信息的任何行为，不管行为者是谁。我们坚信，帮助制止这种行为符合中国的利益。如果外国公司对在中国投资时自己的知识产权会受到保护有信心，它们就会在中国进行更多投资。如果中国显示它认真对待解决全球的网络担忧，中国的市场对国际企业将具有更大的吸引力。从长远来讲，如果中国企业最终发展出自己的知识财产，并且如果中国政府充分和公正地一视同仁地执法，则中国自身的企业只会走向繁荣兴旺。美国致力于通过开诚布公的对话，帮助建立信任，针对那些迫切的经济和安全挑战制定出共同的行事规则。
And we certainly do not agree to disagree when it comes to human rights. The United States will always advocate for all countries to permit their citizens to express their grievances freely, publicly, peacefully, and without fear of retribution. That’s why we’ve spoken out about the situation in Hong Kong and human rights issues elsewhere in China, because respect for fundamental freedoms is now and always has been a centerpiece of American foreign policy, and because we have seen again and again that respect for rule of law and the protection of human rights are essential to any country’s long-term growth, prosperity, and stability, and to their respect in the world.
当谈到人权问题时，我们当然不会同意保留不同意见。美国将始终主张所有国家让公民能够自由、公开、和平和不必担心受到报复地表达意见。正因为这样，我们对香港的局势和中国其他地方的人权问题发出我们的声音，因为尊重基本自由现在是、并且始终是美国外交政策的核心内容，这也因为我们一再看到，尊重法治和保护人权是任何国家长期发展与稳定和受到世界尊重的根本。
Let me be clear: The United States will never shy away from articulating our deeply held values or defending our interests, our allies, and our partners throughout the region. And China is well aware of that. But the relationship between our two countries has developed and matured significantly over time. Our differences will undoubtedly continue to test the relationship; they always do, between people, between families, between countries. But they should not, and in fact, must not prevent us from acting cooperatively in other areas.
我要明确一点：美国决不会回避表述我们深信的价值观，或在捍卫我们的利益、我们的盟友和我们在这个地区的伙伴上退缩。中国非常清楚这点。但我们两国关系多年来已经大大发展和更加成熟。我们的分歧无疑会继续给我们的关系带来挑战；这在人与人之间、家庭之间和国家之间一向如此。但是，它们不应该——实际上决不能——阻止我们在其他领域采取合作行动。
So what are those areas? Where are the great opportunities? Well, it starts with economics. Thirty-five years ago when diplomatic relations began between the United States and China, trade between our two countries was virtually nonexistent. Today, our businesses exchange nearly $600 billion in goods and services every single year. Our mutual investments are close to $100 billion. You read a lot about American businesses going over to China. Well, let me tell you something. The truth is that today, even more Chinese businesses are setting up shop in the United States. And we welcome that. In fact, we do a lot to encourage Chinese investment here, while our embassies and consulates in China are simultaneously doing great work in order to identify opportunities for American companies over there.
那么这样的领域有哪些呢？大好的机会在哪里呢？首先是从经济开始。三十五年前，在美国和中国刚发展外交关系时，两国间基本没有贸易。今天，我们的商品和服务贸易每一年都达到近6,000亿美元。我们的相互投资达到近1,000亿美元。人们读到大量有关美国工商企业前往中国的报道，但让我来告诉你们，其实今天正在有更多的中国工商企业在美国开业。我们欢迎这种情况。实际上，我们为鼓励中方来这里投资做了很多工作，与此同时，我们在中国的使领馆也在为美国工商企业寻找在那边的机会作出极大努力。
Even as U.S. and Chinese businesses compete in the marketplace, we each have a huge stake in the economic health of the other. And the fact is that the world as a whole has a huge stake in the economic vibrancy of both China and the United States. That is why we’re focused on enhancing trade and investment between our countries, including through the ongoing negotiations of a high-standard bilateral investment treaty. Established rules of the road that do more to protect businesses and investors on both sides of the Pacific will help both of our economies to be able to continue to grow and to prosper. One recent study by the Peterson Institute for International Economics found that if we’re able to open up trade and investment significantly, our countries could share gains of almost half a trillion dollars a year.
即便美中两国公司在市场上竞争，对方具有良好的经济状况也与我们各自的利益极其攸关。事实上，全世界都与中美两国的经济活力利益攸关。因此，我们注重增进我们两国之间的贸易和投资，包括通过正在进行的高标准的双边投资协定。建立起能够更好保护太平洋两岸工商企业和投资者的行事规则，将有助双方经济继续增长和繁荣。彼得森国际经济研究所最近的一项研究显示，如果我们能够大大开放贸易和投资，我们两国可共享每年几乎5,000亿美元的增长。
So let me underscore: Our aligned interests are more than just economic and cooperation is more than just commercial. As China pursues interests well beyond the Asia Pacific, there is both opportunity and necessity to coordinate our efforts to address global security concerns. Our shared efforts to respond to the global threat of climate change are a perfect example. The UN climate report that was released over this last weekend is another wakeup call to everybody. The science could not be clearer. Our planet is warming and it is warming due to our actions, human input. And the damage is already visible, and it is visible at a faster and greater rate than scientists predicted. That’s why there’s cause for alarm, because everything that they predicted is happening, but happening faster and happening to a greater degree. The solutions are within reach, but they will require ambitious, decisive, and immediate action.
因此我要强调：我们的共同利益不仅是在经济上，合作也不仅限于商务。随着中国向亚太以外地区发展利益，我们有机会，也有必要为解决全球安全问题协调我们的努力。我们为应对全球气候变化威胁所共同进行的努力就是一个最好的例子。联合国上周末发布的气候报告给所有人又一次敲响警钟。在这方面，科学已经是再清楚不过：我们的星球正在变暖，而且是由于我们行为、由于人类的作用而变暖。破坏已经显现出来，而且速度比科学家所预测的还要迅速和严重。这就是为什么需要引起警觉，因为科学家预测的一切都正在出现，并且出现得更快，程度更烈。解决方案触手可及，但它们要求拿出大力、果断和立即的行动。
Last year in Beijing, State Councilor Yang and I launched the U.S.-China Climate Change Working Group, which is already engaged in pilot projects, policy exchanges, and more. We raised the climate change issue to the ministerial level so that we would be dealing with it on an ongoing high-level basis. And we’ve also been engaged since then in constant discussions aimed at ensuring that the global community can do everything possible to be able to reach a successful, ambitious climate agreement when we all meet in Paris next year. In February, we announced plans to exchange information and to discuss policies to develop respective plans to strengthen domestic emissions targets for the 2015 UN climate negotiations, what I just referred to. And by the way, we’ll be meeting shortly in Lima, Peru as the lead-up to this particular meeting next year in Paris. So there’s a lot of work going into this.
去年在北京，杨国务委员和我启动了美中气候变化工作组，这个工作组已经在进行试点项目、政策交流以及其他工作。我们把气候变化问题提升到部长级，让我们能够持续在高层处理这个问题。从那时起，我们也一直在不断进行商讨，以便确保国际社会尽一切可能，在明年全体聚会巴黎时，能够达成一项成功的大规模气候协议。我们在二月份宣布准备开展信息交流和政策讨论，以便制定各自计划，为我刚才提到的2015年联合国气候谈判确定更强有力的国内排放目标。顺便说一句，我们很快将在秘鲁利马举行会议，作为明年巴黎会的前奏。所以这方面将会有很多努力。
Next year, countries are supposed to come forward with their stated goals. And we hope that the partnership between China and the United States can help set an example for global leadership and for the seriousness of purpose on those targets and on the negotiations overall. If the two countries that together are nearing 50 percent of all the emissions in the world, which happen to be also the two largest economies in the world – if they can come together and show seriousness of purpose, imagine what the impact could be on the rest of the world. The United States and China are the two largest consumers of energy, and we are the world’s two largest emitters of global greenhouse gases. Together, we account for that roughly – it’s about 45 percent and climbing, unfortunately.
明年，各国应拿出各自的国家目标，我们希望，中国和美国的合作将有助于树立一个榜样，体现出全球领导作用和对这些目标及总体谈判的认真态度。如果共同排放量占到全球近50%的两个国家，恰恰也是世界上最大的两个经济体——如果这两个国家能够走到一起，显示出认真的决心，试想那将会对世界其他国家产生何种影响。美国和中国是世界上两个最大的能源消费国，是世界上温室气体排放最多的两个国家。我们两国的排放约占全球的45%，而且不幸的是还在继续上升。
So we need to solve this problem together. Why? Because neither one of us can possibly solve it alone. Even if every single American biked to work or carpooled to school or used only solar panels to power their homes – if we reduced our emissions to zero, if we planted each of us in America a dozen trees, if we somehow eliminated all of our domestic greenhouse gas emissions, guess what? That still wouldn’t be enough to counteract the carbon pollution coming from China and the rest of the world. And the same would be true for China if they reduced everything and we continued. We would wipe out their gains; they would wipe out our gains. Because today, if even one or two major economies neglects to respond to this threat, it will erase the good work done everywhere else.
因此，我们需要共同解决这个问题。为什么？因为我们两国中的任何一国都不可能单独解决问题。即使美国每一个人都骑车上班，或者拼车上学，或者家里只使用太阳能——如果我们把我们的排放减到零，如果在美国的每一个人都种一打12 棵树，如果我们设法消除了国内所有温室气体排放，你猜怎样？它仍然不足以抵消来自中国和世界其余国家的碳污染。如果中国停止所有排放而我们继续照旧，中国也会面对同样的情况。我们会使他们的增长付诸东流，他们也会使我们的增长化为乌有。因为在今天，哪怕只有一个或两个大型经济体忽视对这一威胁作出反应，都会将其他所有地方的成果一笔勾销。
Never before has there been a greater urgency to countries around the world coming together to meet what is not just an environmental threat but an economic threat, a security threat, a health threat, and a security threat because we will see refugees in certain parts of the country displaced by vast changes in the ability to grow food, the ability to receive water, and the ability to survive, and that will change the nature of security and conflict in the world. That’s the reality of what we’re up against. And that’s why it is so imperative that the United States and China lead the world with genuine reductions that put us on a path to real progress.
世界各国共同应对这一威胁的紧迫性从未像现在这样严重，这不仅仅是一个环境威胁，而且也是一个经济威胁，一个安全威胁，一个健康威胁。之所以也是安全威胁是因为，我们将看到在一些国家出现流离失所的难民，因为巨大的变化影响了粮食生产能力，影响了水源供应，影响了生存，而这将改变世界安全和冲突的性质。这是我们所面对的现实。这就是为什么必须要美国和中国在全球发挥带头作用 ，通过真正的减排踏上真正的进步道路。
The good news is that our shared responsibility to address climate change brings with it one of the greatest economic opportunities in history. With shared responsibility can come shared prosperity. The solution to climate change is as clear as the problem itself. And it’s not somewhere out there, pie in the sky, over the horizon, impossible to grab ahold of; it’s staring us in the face. The solution is energy policy. It’s as simple as that. Make the right choices in your energy policy, you solve the problem of climate change.
令人欣慰的是，共同承担解决气候变化问题的责任给我们带来了历史上最大的经济机会之一。共同的责任可以带来共同的繁荣。解决气候变化问题的方法同问题本身一样清晰。它并不是远在天边，遥不可及，抓不到，摸不着；它就在我们眼前。解决方法就是能源政策。就这么简单。你在能源政策中作出正确的选择，你就能解决气候变化问题。
Guess what? You also happen to kick your economies into gear. You produce millions of jobs. You create economic opportunity unlike any that we have ever known, because the global energy market of the future is poised to be the largest market the world has ever known. Between now and 2035, investment in the sector is expected to reach nearly $17 trillion. The market that made everybody wealthy in America – everybody saw their income go up in the 1990s, and the greatest wealth in the history of our nation was created in the 1990s. It was a $1 trillion market with one billion users. The energy market is a $6 trillion market with four to five billion users today, and it’s going to grow to maybe nine billion users over the next 30, 40, 50 years. Think of that. Seventeen trillion dollars is more than the entire GDP of China and India combined. And with a few smart choices, together we can ensure that clean energy is the most attractive investment in the global energy sector and that entrepreneurs around the world can prosper as they help us innovate our way out of this mess and towards a healthier planet.
你猜怎样？你还恰好能让经济更上一层楼，带来数百万就业机会。你会创造出我们不曾有的经济机会，因为未来的全球能源市场将成为世界自有史以来所知的最大市场。从现在到2035年，在能源行业的投资预期将达到近17万亿美元。让美国所有人变得富有的那个市场——20世纪90年代所有人看到了收入增加，20世纪90年代创造了我国有史以来规模最大的财富——它是一个1万亿美元、拥有10亿用户的市场。能源市场今天是一个6万亿美元市场，拥有40到50亿用户，在未来30、40、50年里用户人数将可能增长到90亿。想想看。17万亿美元超过了中国加印度全部国内生产值的总和。通过一些明智的选择，我们能够一起确保清洁能源在全球能源业中对投资最具有吸引力，世界各地的实业家可以通过发明创造有助于我们走出这种困境和让地球更健康的新方法而发财致富。
And none of this will happen if we don’t make it happen. How our two countries lead – China and the United States – or don’t lead on climate and clean energy will make the difference as to whether or not we’re able to fully take advantage of this unprecedented economic opportunity and whether the world is able to effectively address climate change and the threat that it poses to global security, prosperity, and health.
我们如果无所作为，这一切都不会发生。在气候和清洁能源问题上，我们两国如何发挥领导作用——中国和美国——或者不发挥领导作用，都会产生影响，这关系到我们能否充分利用这个前所未有的经济机会，关系到全世界能否有效地应对气候变化及其对全球安全、繁荣和健康构成的威胁。
Our cooperation also makes a difference when it comes to nuclear proliferation. We are very encouraged by China’s serious engagement on the Iran negotiations as a full partner in the P5+1, and we’re very hopeful that working more closely together the United States and China will ultimately bring North Korea to the realization that its current approach is leading to a dead end, and the only path that will bring it security and prosperity is to make real progress towards denuclearizing the Korean Peninsula. Our cooperation there also can make a difference.
我们的合作还可以为解决核扩散问题发挥作用。中国作为5常加1的正式成员十分严肃地参与伊朗的谈判，我们为此感到很受鼓舞。我们十分希望美国与中国共同密切合作，最终能使北韩认识到其目前的行为没有任何出路，实现安全和繁荣的唯一道路是朝鲜半岛无核化取得实际进展。我们在这个问题上的合作也可以产生影响。
It can also make a difference in countering violent extremist groups like ISIL, which seek to harm people in every corner of the globe. And it can help in bringing stability to places like Afghanistan, where today we are partnering to support political cohesiveness and prevent Afghanistan from again becoming a safe haven for terrorists. We welcome China’s role as a critical player in the Afghan region. And just last week, in fact, President Ghani, our Special Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan Dan Feldman, and President Obama’s counselor John Podesta all traveled to Beijing to participate in a conference focused on supporting Afghan peace and reconstruction.
在抗击伊斯兰国等暴力极端主义团伙的问题上也可以取得成效。这些团伙试图在全球每一个角落对人民造成伤害。合作有助于为阿富汗等地带来稳定。今天，我们作为合作伙伴支持政治凝聚，防止阿富汗再次沦为恐怖主义的安全巢穴。我们欢迎中国作为阿富汗地区重要角色发挥的作用。实际上就在上星期，加尼总统、我们的阿富汗和巴基斯坦事务特别代表丹·费尔德曼和欧巴马总统顾问约翰·波德斯塔都前往北京出席有关支持阿富汗和平与重建的会议。
And as we’ve seen recently with the Ebola epidemic, China has also shown that it is prepared to take on a bigger role in addressing international crises – including those that emerge far from Asia, even those on the opposite side of the globe. We’re very grateful that China has committed more than $130 million to date in aid and supplies to help address the Ebola crisis. And last week, China announced its plans to dispatch a unit from the People’s Liberation Army to Liberia to help manage the crisis. That’s global leadership, and it’s important, and that cooperation with us is more than welcome.
最近在我们看到埃博拉疫情蔓延之际，中国也表示准备为战胜国际性危机发挥更大的作用——包括远在亚洲以外地区，甚至在地球另一边出现的危机。我们十分感谢中国至今承诺为解决埃博拉危机提供1.3亿美元的援助和物资。上星期，中国宣布计划派遣中国人民解放军某部前往利比里亚参加管理危机的行动。这是全球领导作用，具有重要意义，与我们的合作十分值得赞赏。
We all need to do more, and fast. But the kind of support from China that we’ve seen is critical, and it speaks to China’s understanding of global interests and responsibilities. The fact is that among the major threats and crises that face the world today, there really isn’t one that couldn’t be addressed more effectively with expanded U.S.-China cooperation.
我们都需要做更多的工作，而且行动要快。但是我们看到中国提供的这种支持十分重要，体现了中国对全球利益和责任的理解。事实说明，对于全世界今天面临的主要威胁和危机，通过美中扩展相互关系，任何问题都能更有效地得到解决。
But as State Councilor Yang and I discussed earlier this month in Boston, with China engaged more and more on the global stage, our cooperation can also be used to seize opportunities for change and for growth, like the many opportunities for development in Africa, Central America, and other parts of Asia. And we talked about that in Boston, about the possibility of the United States and China cooperating on specific development targets.
这个月早些时候，杨国务委员和我在波士顿谈到，中国在国际舞台上越来越多地进行参与，双方的合作也有利于抓住促进变革和增长的机会，例如在非洲、中美洲和亚洲其他地区有很多促进发展的机会。我们在波士顿谈到这个问题，谈到美国和中国在特定的发展目标上相互合作的可能性。
There are countries across these regions where both China and the United States are already deeply invested. If we double-down on coordinating our assistance and development work, if we ensure that our approaches are complementary and coordinated, we can bring more communities into the 21st century faster, we could help millions of families lift themselves out of poverty, we can give more people across the world the tools and the data to shape their own future. And as we help more countries to make the transition from foreign aid to foreign trade, we’ll all benefit in terms of economic growth, expanded export markets, job creation, and ultimately, the stability and the prosperity and the dignity that comes from that. Beyond that, as these regions become more prosperous, believe me, they’re going to become more stable. And that, in the end, means we can all be more secure.
在这些地区的有些国家，中国和美国都已经进行了大量的投入。如果我们为协调我们的援助和发展事务加倍努力，如果我们保证我们采取的方式可以相辅相成，相互协调，我们就可以更快地促使更多的社区进入21世纪，我们就能够帮助数百万家庭摆脱贫困，我们就可以为世界各地更多的人们提供决定自己未来的工具和资料。在帮助更多的国家从接受外援向对外贸易过渡之际，我们都能从中受益，例如获得经济增长，扩大出口市场，创造工作机会，最终实现稳定和繁荣以及随之而来的尊严。除此之外，请相信我，这些地区在实现更大繁荣的同时，也将实现更大程度的稳定。这最终意味合作我们都能更安全。
The bottom line is this: The United States and China comprise one quarter of the global population. We make up one third of the global economy. We generate one fifth of the global trade. And when we are pulling in the same direction on any issue, we can bend the curve in a way that few other nations on Earth can accomplish.
最根本的一点是：美国和中国占全球人口的四分之一。我们占全球经济的三分之一。我们创造全球贸易的五分之一。当我们在任何一个问题上向同一个方向推进时，我们都能以地球上几乎所有国家都难以企及的方式扭转趋势。
Between governments, we’re doing more than ever in order to ensure that that is the case. Jack Lew, our Secretary of Treasury, and I meet regularly with our counterparts in the Strategic and Economic Dialogue with China. Today, although we have more than a hundred different bilateral dialogues on everything from trade to transportation, we are, in fact, focused at the highest level on a regular basis.
在两国政府之间，我们正在做出比以往更多的努力，以确保做到这一点。我和财政部长杰克·卢定期与我们在同中国进行的战略与经济对话中的有关官员会面。今天，尽管我们总共展开了100多项不同的双边对话，涵盖从贸易到运输的方方面面，但我们实际上着重于在最高级别的定期对话。
But I’ll tell you, if this relationship is going to live up to its full potential, government-to-government cooperation alone is not enough. We have to continue also to deepen our people-to-people ties. A recent poll indicated that Americans view China less favorably than they did just a few years ago, and vice versa; Chinese view us less favorably. So obviously, we need to do more to connect our peoples and to make sure that we’re communicating effectively between each other so that we are communicating to our peoples effectively. We need to build on the sense of common purpose and camaraderie that can be essential to sustaining our relationship for decades to come. And that is the logic behind the dialogue on exchange that I co-chair with China’s Vice Premier Madame Liu.
不过我要告诉你们，这种关系如果要发挥出全部潜力，单靠政府与政府之间的合作是不够的。我们还必须继续深化我们人民之间的联系。最近的一次民意调查显示，美国人对中国的看法不如短短几年前那么有利，反之亦然，中国人对我们的看法也不如过去有利。因此，我们显然需要付出更大的努力在我们的人民之间建立联系，确保我们相互间正在有效地沟通交流，以使我们有效地同我们的人民沟通交流。我们需要在共同的使命感以及志同道合的精神的基础上努力，这对于在今后数十年长期保持我们的关系至关重要。而且这正是我和中国国务院副总理刘女士共同主持的有关交换项目的对话背后的道理。
One of the best ways for us to improve our connection is by expanding the student exchanges – I just stopped and met with a bunch of students who have been part of the exchange here from SAIS, and we all – I hope you’re all aware of President Obama’s 100,000 Strong initiative. Today, more students from China study in the United States than any other foreign country, and we are actively investing in ways to expand study abroad opportunities for American students in China, because we recognize that nothing brings about a common understanding more than effectively getting the chance to live in another country, see the world through another lens, and forge friendships that can last for decades.
我们改善我们之间的联系的最佳方式之一是扩大学生交换——我刚刚停下来见到了来自SAIS 的在这里参加交换项目的一些学生，而且我们都——我希望你们都知道欧巴马总统的10万人留学计划。今天，在美国留学的中国学生比其他任何一个国家都多，而且我们正在积极投资于扩大美国学生出国到中国学习的机会的各种途径，因为我们认识到，没有什么比切实获得到另一个国家生活、透过另一个视角观察世界以及缔结能够延续几十年的友谊的机会更能促成相互理解了。
I’ll just tell you very quickly the number of foreign ministers that I interact with very regularly in the Middle East and elsewhere, proudly sit in front of me and talk to me about their graduate school or undergraduate school experiences in the United States. It has lasted with them forever, and it helps them and us to be able to work through difficult moments.
我只想非常简短地告诉你们，有好几位我在中东地区及其他地区非常频繁地与之接触的外交部长，自豪地坐在我面前同我谈起他们在美国读研究生或读大学的经历。他们永远都记得这些，而且这有助于他们和我们度过一些艰难的时刻。
Let me take this opportunity to note that this is not an earthshattering new principle I’ve just articulated. It is something that SAIS has long understood. You’ve had an international campus in Nanjing for nearly 30 years, and it focuses on everything, from facilitating student exchanges to all the prospects of business and relationships in the future. And as a result, its students are better prepared than most for the globalized world that we live in. But believe it or not, there are a lot of places that don’t take it for granted the way you do, for whom this would actually be a new enterprise, even now in 2014.
请让我借这个机会说明，我刚刚讲到的并不是什么惊天动地的新原则。这是SAIS 长期以来一直深知的一个原则。你们在南京建立国际校区已有近30年了，它侧重于方方面面，从促进学生交换到未来商务及种种关系的一切前景。其结果是，它的学生面对我们所处的这个全球化世界比大多数人都更有准备。但不论你们相信与否，有很多地方并不像你们这样认为这是理所当然的，对于他们而言这实际上是一个新的事业，即便是在2014年的今天。
So I want to thank David Lampton and the others as SAIS for their leadership on this effort. Ultimately, the United States and China need to find more ways to interact at more levels of government, across more sectors and among more people who live in all the corners of our nations. And these connections will help us to understand each other better and to forge a better relationship going forward. They’ll help us work through our differences, and these connections will ultimately erase the misperceptions and stereotypes that fuel mistrust, and these connections will help us pull in the same direction and take advantage of the unique opportunities our countries have to help each other and ultimately to help the world.
因此，我要感谢戴维·兰普顿以及SAIS 的其他人士为这一努力发挥的领导作用。最终，美国和中国需要找到更多的方式在更多的政府层面接触交往，涉及更多的部门以及生活在我们两国各个地方的更多的人民。这些联系将帮助我们加深相互理解并在向前推进的过程中打造一种更好的关系。这些联系将帮助我们解决分歧，而且最终将能消除滋生不信任的误解和固有观念，这些联系还将帮助我们向同一个方向推进，并利用我们两国所拥有的相互帮助乃至最终帮助全世界的独特的机会。
We don’t underestimate – I certainly don’t – the complexity of the world we’re living in today and the sensitivity of this challenge that we face. The path to a productive relationship between the United States and China has seen its bumps, and it may see more. But the fact is that it has never been more important to us to be able to continue down the path that we are on. Our two nations face a genuine test of leadership. We have to make the right choices in both Washington and in Beijing.
我们不会低估——我当然不会——我们今天所处的这个世界的复杂性以及我们所面临的这一挑战的敏感性。美国与中国建立卓有成效的关系的道路曾有过坎坷，而且还可能出现更多的颠簸。但事实是，我们能够继续沿着现在这条道路走下去比以往任何时候都更加重要。我们两国都面临着一个对于领导力的真正的考验。我们在华盛顿和北京都必须做出正确的抉择。
In many ways, the world we’re living in today is much more like 19th-century and 18th-century global diplomacy, the balance of power and different interests, than it is the bifurcated, bipolar world we lived in in the Cold War and much of the 20th century. This is a new bursting on the scene of new powers. But guess what? They’re doing the things we wanted them to do. At least 15 of today’s donor countries giving aid to other countries were only 10 and 15 years ago recipient countries of aid themselves. And we welcome the growth of these nations to their global responsibilities and to the assumption of increased global ability to make a difference.
在很多方面，我们今天所处的世界与19世纪和18世纪的全球外交时代更加相似，存在权力平衡以及不同的利益，与我们在冷战时期以及20世纪大部分时期所处的一分为二的两极化的世界不太一样。新兴大国的格局突然有了一种新动向。但猜猜结果怎样？他们正在做我们希望他们做的事情。今天向其他国家提供援助的捐助国中至少有15个在短短10到15年前自己还是受援国。我们欢迎这些国家的成长，从而承担他们的全球责任并发挥得到增强的全球能力以产生影响。
But it’s more complicated. When other countries have stronger economies and when there’s more competition for goods and services and for market share, it’s a more complicated world. And with the release of sectarianism and radical religious extremism and other things that have come with this transformation and confrontation with modernity, we all face a more difficult, complex diplomatic path.
但现实更加复杂。当其他国家拥有更强大的经济，当获得商品和服务以及市场份额的竞争增多时，这个世界更加错综复杂。而且随着与这种转型以及与现代化的对抗而被发泄出来的宗派主义以及激进的宗教极端主义和其他东西，我们都面临着一条更加艰难、更加复杂的外交道路。
But it is clear that coming from the different places we come from, China and the United States, we actually do have the opportunity as two leading powers to find solutions to major challenges facing the world today. And if we can cooperate together and help show the way, that will help bring other nations along and establish the norms for the rest of the world. We have an opportunity to demonstrate how a major power and an emerging power can cooperate to serve the interests of both, and in doing so, improve the prospects for stability, prosperity, and peace around the equator, from pole to pole, throughout this world we live in.
但显而易见的是，中国和美国经历了不同的历程，的确有机会作为两大主导力量为今日世界所面临的种种重大挑战寻求解决方案。如果我们能够共同合作并帮助指明道路，就将有助于其他国家参与进来并为全世界其他地区确立标准。我们拥有一个机会来展示一个主要大国和一个新兴大国怎样才能合作增进双方的利益，而且在这样做的过程中在我们身处的整个世界里改善稳定、繁荣与和平的前景，纵贯赤道，横跨两极。
Maybe that’s a lofty objective; I don’t think it’s too lofty. I think it’s easy to say it in a speech, yes – a lot harder to produce it. But it will be in the doing of it, in the quality of our dialogue, in the persistent search for solutions to issues large and small, in the determination to manage the differences and find the big places to cooperate, and in order to seize the opportunities when they arise, that will provide the real measure of failure or success in this approach.
也许这是一个远大的目标，但我不认为它遥不可及。我认为在发表演讲时说到这些容易，是的——付诸实现则要难得多。但这种做法成败与否的真正的衡量标准在于切实去做，在于我们的对话的质量，在于不懈地寻求解决大大小小的问题的方案，在于决心处理分歧并找到进行合作的广大领域，以及为了在机会出现时抓住它们。
When he was in the twilight of his life, Paul Nitze was asked about the extraordinary contributions he had made to theMarshall Plan, to NATO, to the U.S.-Soviet relations. He didn’t brag, he didn’t boast, he just said: “I have been extremely lucky. I have been around at a time when important things needed to be done.”
保罗·尼采在垂暮之年被问及他对马歇尔计划、北约组织以及美国同苏联的关系所做的卓越贡献。他没有夸大其词，也没有自吹自擂，他只是说：“我一生极其幸运。我生活在一个重大事业需要完成的时代。”
There has never been a demand more than there is today for important things to be done. I hope that the United States and China – who are both blessed with great strength, with ample resources, with extraordinary people – can do important things now and can do them together. And I hope that as we come together in Beijing in the days ahead, as we work together in the months and years to come, that we are going to meet that charge and live up to the standard that Paul Nitze said, not just when he founded this school but when he lived his life.
今天，完成重大事业的要求比以往任何时候都更加迫切。我希望美国和中国——两国都有幸拥有巨大的实力、富饶的资源和杰出的人民——现在能够从事重大事业并能够共同从事这些事业。我希望当我们在今后几天汇聚北京之时，当我们在今后的岁月中共同努力之时，我们将能肩负这一使命并履行保罗·尼采所阐明的准则，不仅是他在创立这所学院之时，而且是他毕生都践行的准则。
Thank you all very much. (Applause.)
非常感谢大家。（掌声）
来源：美国国务院
